TRADE UNION

The international labour organization is a regulatory body that has standards, which guide and govern the practices and relations of industries globally. In collective bargaining, ILO has set out guidelines such as, giving a chance to each party to offer the best case that satisfies each party’s demand (Henry 1972). In addition, it allows exchange of information within the parties. Moreover, it offers strength to employees to offset bargaining power of employers and provide a joint decision-making. This paper shows whether trade unions are imperative or relevant, notwithstanding ILO convection 98.

Trade unions are organizations of employees and union leaders formed with a sole purpose of serving employees interest in matters related to working conditions and their wages. At first, unions were significant because working people needed bargaining power union and collective voice to make the working environment safe. Trade union played an important role in making sure that, corporations did not focus on making increased profits, while at the same time taking an advantage of workers (Kirkaldy 1998). The agenda of the current union is to raise living standard of workers, to increase wages, to ensure fair working condition, and to increase benefits for workers.

Nevertheless, trade unions have outlived their usefulness. Indeed, they are currently redundant. Labour laws have been put into place and the labour union are no longer as imperative as the time they were formed. Minimum wage, which prevents employers from underpaying their employees has been, introduced (Dessler, 1997). Therefore, the labour laws ensure that the work environment is safe and fair. It can handle all trade labour problems; hence, this makes the trade unions irrelevant.

References
Dessler, Gary. Human Resource Management, 13th ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall,1997. http://www.ii4u.com/Gary-Dessler-PDF1371222.PDF
Henry, Zin. Labour Relations and Industrial Conflict in Commonwealth Caribbean Countries. ColumbusPublisherLtd.Trinidad,1972. http://books.google.com/books/about/Labour_relations_and_industrial_conflict.html%3Fid%3DFY…
ILO Convention 98.Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention,
1949
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right_to_Organise_and_Collective_Bargaining_Convent 949
Kirkaldy, George. Industrial Relations Law and Practice in Jamaica, 1st ed.
Kingston: The Caribbean Law PublishingCompanyLimited,1998.
http://www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/JAMAICA.htm

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How should the U.S. react to North Korea’s having enough Uranium for Six Nuclear Bombs?

Abstract
This paper’s position is that the U.S. and the global community cannot trust North Korea with its perceived ambitions and probable achievement of nuclear weapon capacity, given the secretive and non-transparent nature of its program and intentions. The seriousness of nuclear weapon possession and threat on global security warrants U.S. and global community efforts to demand full North Korean compliance to transnational laws concerning nuclear capacity, including compliance, program transparency, and restriction to civilian nuclear energy purposes. Responsibility forms the basic criteria for all nations and global entities’ exploitation of nuclear resources for various objectives, including energy availability and offensive capacity. Transparency and clarity of North Korean intentions in nuclear resource exploitation are absent, and the global community, under U.S.

leadership, should seek rational but firm measures to assure global security from the nuclear threat. Both direct diplomacy and pursuance of the military alternative as U.S. policies to address the problem are potentially ineffective. This is because they feature risks of charges of bias/double-standards and unilateralism against the U.S. respectively (Kim and Chang 104-120; Pritchard et al 20-39). The paper’s recommendation is that the U.S. should lead a search for global cooperation and unity in demand for full North Korean fulfillment of civilian nuclear energy requirements, through diplomatic means but with the last resort option of globe-supported military force to assure global security.

Introduction
The threat of possession and unsuitable use of nuclear weapons is a serious issue that the international community cannot ignore, disregard, overlook, or passively wish away. Security for the world community from irresponsible use of nuclear resources and weapons is a humanitarian issue since such weapons pose extensive and lasting devastation on life and the world environment. The lethal and terminal nature of nuclear weapons’ unsuitable and irresponsible use by a political power or organizations calls for comprehensive supervision, regulation, and control through cooperation, united action, and coordination among communities worldwide. It demands a proactive, practical, and preventive solution, rather than a reactive one. International laws regarding nuclear capacities and weapons apply in recognition of the extensive and fatal threat that the weapons pose for humanity, the environment, and social welfare.

Such laws involve limit and scope definitions on which political groups, nations, individuals, organizations, or any other entities with access to or intentions to exploit nuclear resources should model their actions and policies to avoid security and welfare dangers. Responsibility and dependability are major foundations of these laws’ definitions and criteria for the exploitation of nuclear resources (Caldwell and Williams 63-71, 82-107; Lambers 1-15). It is for this reason that a suitable and effective policy to apply on the potential threat from North Korea’s possession of these lethal weapons and the uncertainty around its intentions is necessary.

The U.S., as a leader in the world community given its political and socioeconomic influence and authority relative to other countries, has an obligation to lead in the quest and application of a suitable solution to the risk and threat from the Asian country. A U.S. reaction to the threat is rational based on its political position as an authority, and hence a leader, relative to the world’s nations. The objectives of such reaction should involve yielding complete fulfillment by the Asian nation of international nuclear energy and resources utilization for global security and welfare. This report’s structure involves focus on an assessment of policy options open for the U.S. to apply in its reaction, as a global authority leader, to North Korea’s possession of nuclear weapons and the non-transparency and uncertainty of its program and intentions (Kim and Chang 104-120).

The paper outlines the background for the need of a U.S. reaction to this problem, observed and probable challenges to any policy it may choose to adopt, and possible policy alternatives, before identifying the ideal policy based on all these factors. Its policy recommendation applies based on consideration of the need to eliminate the perceived security threat and assure the Asian nation’s total compliance with transnational nuclear weapon provisions, and a comparison of each policy option’s possible effectiveness in assuring this objective, given various policy challenges. The paper’s choice of a fitting policy for the U.S. to apply involves the allowance of a six-month period for the Asian nation to show total compliance with transnational laws concerning nuclear resources’ exploitation or to withdraw its nuclear program entirely.

It involves action on a united global front, under U.S. leadership, after six months to compel North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons, or withdraw any ambitions it may have (Kim and Chang 104-120; Pritchard et al 20-39; Ikenberry and Moon 170-202). The proposal for a suitable U.S. policy for the problem also includes an urge for restraint from the application of any confrontational strategies, including military threats, against the Asian nation for a six-month period. It does not, nevertheless, withdraw the military force option entirely from a suitable policy plan for U.S. application, particularly in case North Korea shows ignorance or non-cooperation with the U.S.-led effort, since global security has to be the main objective.

Background
Security for all communities is a humanitarian concern, as all human activity, including economic, welfare, social, and political activity, can only thrive and yield positive results in an environment where individuals and the broader society are free from fear, tension, panic, and uncertainty. Nuclear weapons have in the past caused lasting devastation, as is evident in studies of communities, environments, and life in two Japanese cities on which there was the deployment of similar weapons in 1945, during World War 2. Prevention of the deployment of nuclear weapons in society is thus, at any cost, critical (Lambers 1-12). In order to achieve such prevention effectively, all countries with intentions or capacities to exploit nuclear resources have to, as an international requirement, commit to transparency, honesty, trustworthiness, credibility, and integrity in their programs, ambitions, plans, and intentions. This requirement is mandatory if the international community is to assure the wellbeing and security of humanity, the environment, and life.

The only mechanism to assure commitment to these requirements among such nations is through allowance for free supervisions, visits, and evaluations of their programs by other countries and mandated organizations, such as the “International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA,” through its answerability to the “United Nations.” It is the responsibility of world governments, particularly those with authority and influence over global affairs such as the U.S., to seek and apply rational but firm and effective solutions for the assurance of global security and welfare. Failure to assure security from the deployment of lethal weapons by irresponsible political entities or individuals for global communities would constitute failure against humanity. Any unwillingness or deficiencies in commitment to program openness and transparency is bound to raise doubts and uncertainties about any nation’s nuclear program. The world community cannot afford to either take chances or wait when such commitment is not forthcoming from individual nations: countries have to either show full commitment to the requirement or face global action to force compliance or full program withdrawal (Caldwell and Williams 85-110). This is because trust and dependability among nations intending or with capacities to achieve nuclear weapons are mandatory.

There have been long-standing negotiations with the Asian nation, in which it has showed non-cooperation and even disregard and disrespect for global security concerns and nuclear laws. Some reports suggest North Korea has already sourced and developed sufficient uranium raw material for up to six nuclear bombs. The secretive and non-transparent nature of the nation’s nuclear program and intentions has spurred global uncertainty about its plans and program developments, along with promoting regional and global security concerns. This is the case especially given its regime’s secretiveness, nationalistic philosophy, and difficult relations with its neighbors, particularly Japan and South Korea. Issues around North Korea’s nuclear program, including the source of the nation’s uranium raw material, associations with terror organizations and other difficult states such as Iran, non-rational prioritization of militarist programs given national poverty levels, and international isolationism add to the urgency of the situation for global security. Longstanding transnational sanctions have failed to yield positive responses from the Asian nation (Kim and Chang 6-13, 74-100; Caldwell and Williams 85-110). In light of these issues, North Korea is non-dependable: it has failed to commit to program openness by being secretive in its nuclear activities and intentions, attracting the need for a U.S. policy reaction.

Policy challenges
Several challenges are prevalent and relevant for a U.S. policy reaction. First, the policy should be effective, in terms of preventing irresponsible deployment of nuclear weapons and eliminating in totality any such probability. This involves ensuring that North Korea’s program progresses only after its authorities show full commitment to nuclear program transparency, valid nuclear weapons capacity, and intentions for civilian uses. Secondly, U.S. policy should promote rather than undermine global welfare and peace. The end of deployed U.S. policy has to be peaceful for ethical, U.S. good image, and good leadership purposes. Thirdly, policy needs to satisfy and operate by international political and human rights provisions such as national sovereignty, reverence for social/human rights, and democracy. Policy that contravenes these principles is likely to fail for lack of global support, global cooperation, and resistance from other societies. Accordingly, the U.S. faces the dual challenge of avoiding social concepts of policy authoritarianism and unilateralism among world communities, while simultaneously pushing to assure responsibility and compliance to international laws, in its policy reaction to the problem presented by the Asian nation’s nuclear program behavior (Mintz and DeRouen 15-20, 121-140). These issues constitute relevant challenges that the U.S. must consider in its response to North Korea’s conduct.

Probable Policy Alternatives and Recommended Choice
Three policy options are available for application by the U.S. in the situation with North Korea. First, the U.S. could pursue the military confrontation option to demand and assure compliance to transnational nuclear laws or total program withdrawal. The U.S. has the necessary authority and capacity for such action, given its socioeconomic might and military strength. This option would be effective as it would overpower the Asian nation and force submission to international nuclear laws or total program destruction, through affording the U.S. supervision power inside North Korean territory. This option, nevertheless, features the risk of promoting U.S. unilateralism, dictatorial, and authoritarianism concepts among global societies. Such concepts are disadvantageous as they would undermine U.S. authority among world societies through reduced respect and acceptance of its leadership. The second policy alternative involves direct diplomatic engagement with the Asian country’s authorities to compel it to either conform to transnational requirements or withdraw its program completely (Chanlett-Avery and Squassoni 13-18; Pritchard et al 16-29).

This policy is however weak and potentially ineffective for two reasons: it has previously been in application by the “United Nations” and yielded little cooperation, and secondly, the U.S. itself has nuclear weapons, thus undermining its authority in diplomatic negotiations through charges of applying double standards. The third policy alternative is to lead the mobilization of global cooperation and unity in demand for North Korean compliance to transnational laws in the handling of nuclear potential. Through engagement of authoritative platforms such as the “European Union,” “African Union,” the “United Nations,” the “G8,” and the “North Atlantic Treaty Organization,” the U.S. can mobilize worldwide unity in demand for withdrawal or compliance in North Korea’s program. For effectiveness, this option needs to offer North Korea a suitable grace period for voluntary compliance, after which a strong and effective threat could apply where adequate and reasonable cooperation is not forthcoming. This option is effective as it would increase the scale and scope of pressure on the Asian country to satisfy transnational regulations or withdraw its program (Chanlett-Avery and Squassoni 13-18; Kim and Chang 104-120; Pritchard et al 20-39). It is an advantageous policy alternative for the U.S. since it would promote a good image for its leadership and worldwide authority, through promoting conceptions of a participative approach in addressing the North Korean program issue and world security concerns.

The third option is the most suitable policy alternative for the U.S. The U.S. should lead a search for global cooperation and unity in demand for full North Korean fulfillment of nuclear resource exploitation, through diplomatic means but with the last resort option of globe-supported military force to assure global security after a six-month allowance period. The other two options, diplomatic engagement and immediate military confrontation, are not feasible: the former has been ineffective in the past and the latter features disadvantageous U.S. leadership and authority risks (Chanlett-Avery and Squassoni 13-18; Kim and Chang 104-120; Pritchard et al 20-39).

Conclusion
The U.S. and the global community cannot trust North Korea with its perceived ambitions and achievement of nuclear weapon capacity, given the secretive and non-transparent nature of its program and ambitions. A U.S. policy response is necessary to assure worldwide security and social welfare, free from uncertainties about the Asian nation’s nuclear program intentions and plans. The U.S. should mobilize global cooperation and unity in demand for full North Korean fulfillment of transnational nuclear resource use provisions, through diplomatic means but with the last resort option of globe-supported military force to assure global security after a six-month allowance period. This alternative is fitting as it assures global security while simultaneously promoting a positive U.S. global leadership and authority image.

Works Cited
Caldwell, Dan, and Williams, Robert. Seeking Security in an Insecure World. Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, USA, 2011
Chanlett-Avery, Emma, and Squassoni, Sharon. North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Motivations, Implications, and U.S. Options. Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, 2006, retrieved on June 1, 2012 from: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/crs/rl33709.pdf
Ikenberry, John, and Moon, Chung-In. The United States and North East Asia: Debates, Issues, and New Order. Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, USA, 2008
Kim, Suk, and Chang, Semoon. Economic Sanctions against a Nuclear North Korea: an Analysis of United States and United Nations Actions since 1950. McFarland, Jefferson, USA, 2007
Lambers, William. Nuclear Weapons. William Lambers, New York, USA, 2006
Mintz, Alex, and DeRouen, Karl. Understanding Foreign Policy Decision-making. Cambridge University Press, London, UK, 2010
Pritchard, Charles, Tilelli, John, and Snyder, Scott. U.S. Policy toward the Korean Peninsula. Council on Foreign Relations, Independent Taskforce, Washington, USA, 2010

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The U.S-China Foreign Policy

The U.S-China Foreign Policy Relations
No relationship will be as critical to the twenty-first century as the one between the United States, currently regarded as the world’s superpower, and China, one of the fastest emerging economy and uprising super power. China’s advancement is straight converting the lives of one-fifth of the world’s population and is generally affecting billions more (Wieclawski 2011). China’s quick budgetary development, unfolding local and worldwide impact, proceeded military modernization, and slacking political change are additionally moving the geopolitical landscape and helping doubt about China’s future course. Thirty-five years later of engagement, the United States and China have a relationship that was without a doubt inconceivable two eras back. In the meantime, there are a few Americans who accept that China’s key diversions are contrary with those of the United States (Lawrence 2013).

The United States association with China touches on an extraordinarily expansive go of issues, from security, exchange, and broader financial issues, to nature’s turf and human rights. Congress faces critical inquiries regarding what kind of relationship the United States may as well have with China and how the United States may as well react to China’s ascent. After more than 30 years of quick paced monetary development, China’s economy is presently the second-biggest on the world after that of the United States. With investment victory, China has advanced huge worldwide key clout. It is additionally occupied with an aspiring military modernization drive, incorporating advancement of expanded reach force projection proficiencies.

At home, it presses on to stifle all discerned tests to the Communist Party’s restraining infrastructure on force. In the past years, the emerging of new forces has resulted into frequently witnessed conflicts among the leaders of these two countries. China’s Xi Jinping has pressed hard for a U.S. duty to “another model of major nation relationship” with the United States that looks to dodge such a conclusion. The Obama Administration has more than once guaranteed Beijing that the United States “respects an in number, prosperous and fruitful. China that assumes a more stupendous part in world issues,” and that the United States does not look to counteract China’s re-development as an extraordinary force. China, as far as it matters for it, has vowed to take after the way of quiet advancement.

Washington has wrestled, on the other hand, with how to captivate China on issues influencing dependability and security in the Asia-Pacific area. Issues of concern for Washington incorporate the plans behind China’s military modernization system, China’s utilization of its paramilitary powers and military in questions with its neighbors over regional claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea, and its proceeding risk to utilize compel to carry Taiwan under its control (Lawrence 2013).
With U.S.-China military-to-military ties enhancing however still delicate, Washington has battled to influence Beijing that the U.S. strategy of rebalancing at the Asia Pacific is not expected to hold China. The two nations have participated, with blended comes about, to address atomic multiplication concerns identified with Iran and North Korea.

While working with China to restore the worldwide economy, the United States has additionally grappled with how to influence China to address budgetary approaches the United States sees as denying a level playing field to U.S. firms exchanging with and working in China. High on the U.S. driving force is business digital undercover work that the U.S. government says seems, by all accounts, to be straight attributable to official Chinese performers. Other budgetary concerns for the United States could be China’s clear apostatizing on its World Trade Organization duties, its frail insurances for scholarly property rights, and its money arrangement (Wieclawski 2011). Lately, the United States has reinforced collaboration with China on endeavours to battle environmental change, while pressing on to work with China on the advancement of clean energy innovations.

Human rights remains one of the thorniest zones of the relationship, with the United States pressing China to simplicity limitations on opportunity of discourse, web flexibility, religious statement, and ethnic minorities, and China’s guides suspicious that the USA is aiming at bringing the Communist Party Rule to an end. This paper seeks to analyze the US-China relations in line with foreign policy over the years. To begin with, it is worth noting the cultural values of these two nations that will form the basis of understanding the existing relationship, as highlighted in the following section.

Understanding both the Chinese and US culture that defines their relationship
The relationship between China, one of the eldest developments with the grandest population, and the United States, one of the most youthful civic establishments with the strongest economy, is huge for the two individuals as well as for what’s to come for the entire world (Vaisse 2010). The components affecting the Sino-US relationship incorporate investment, vital, discretionary and social components. Undoubtedly, around them the monetary component is the most significant one.

Money is the most essential element in terms of all business investments that are conducted between China and US. For instance, the year 2001 saw the amount of monetary exchange that took place between the two countries reach up to the US $80,400 million mark, about 81%higher than what was achieved in the previous year. Enticed by the large Chinese market, the US has come to be China’s greatest trading partner and investor with business ventures of up to US $4,858 million in 2001 and a gathered speculation of US $35,548 million. Since numerous American organizations that have put resources into China are multinational partnerships, any variances in Sino-US financial relations might influence the worldwide exchanging and fiscal framework, and might in turn push impacts on the two nations’ political and strategic choice (Vaisse 2010).

China and the US have had deliberate engagements on regular basis. The White House requires China’s support and impact to handle North Korea and non-expansion issues. America also has interest in working with China in the war against terrorism. On the Taiwan inquiry that remains the most delicate issue, China asks the United States to submit to the three joint dispatches and seek after the one-China approach (Wieclawski 2011). Strategically, the unevenness of the common outside arrangements is one of the purposes behind false impressions and troubles between the two countries. On the US side, by redefining China as its opponent instead of key accomplice, the Bush Administration shows that China is not at the key position in its Asian and Pacific strategies. Nonetheless, in China’s remote strategies, the United States is significant both monetarily and deliberately, particularly when managing the Taiwan issue. The ideological error clarifies why the United States has dependably taken China as its adversary as opposed to an accomplice or companion. In this manner, studying the starting points of American society and spirit is essential for China in managing political and discretionary relations with the United States (Vaisse 2010).

Provincial legislative issues have assumed an essential part in forming the China-US relationship. In the United States, a sharp build in number of inhabitants in minorities brought about the prominence of multiculturalism over the previous decade, a development that intends to accomplish for minorities –incorporating African, Latin and Asian Americans –the same status white Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASP) have liked in political, social and social life. Multiculturalism has fortified the political force of minorities and escalated the clashes between whites and minorities. Thusly, progressives make plans to reinforce the impact of the standard, i.e. WASP values and disposition according to the development of multiculturalism. As of late, Asian, particularly Chinese Americans have turned into a recently rising drive in PC, instructive, experimental and mechanical fields in the United States. The ascent of Chinese Americans might move animosity and desire of racists, preservationists and different minorities, which has been seen in the Wen Ho Lee Spy Case.

Furthermore, after the September 11th terrorist attack, the White House reconsidered its opening-up, received harder movement strategies, and said it might limit the allowing of worker visas (Wieclawski 2011). This inclination of conservatism may assume a negative part in the Sino-US social exchange. Despite what might be expected, in China, old people and junior individuals hold a great sentiment of the United States. A review shows that 87% of Chinese adolescents see US as a rich and capable nation, and 74.3% are astounded by the beautiful social and diversion life in America. As per a survey made in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou in September, 1997, practically 58 percent of the aforementioned surveyed nurtured an amazing positive impression of the US by and large; 27.1 percent felt that by then US was China’s global companion; while just 13% depicted China-US ties as antagonistic (Shida 2002).

In a review directed in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan and Harbin on early introductions of the United States, 40.4 percent of the interviewees raised the abundance of the US and its standing as a superpower, 7.5 percent considered such social issues in the United States as medication compulsion, unemployment and homelessness, 5 percent specified Motorola, Coca Cola, IBM, the Silicon Valley and other high-tech and marked items. Of all nations alluded to in the meeting, individuals were generally inspired by the United States and recorded it as the wealthiest and generally capable nation on the world. Furthermore, the US has been the first inclination around Chinese individuals as a spot to visit, go to and send their kids to study in (Vaisse 2010).

Then again, after China-US IPR (intelligent property rights), MFN (Most Favoured Nations status) and WTO (World Trade Organization) arrangements, particularly after the rocket strike on the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999 and the Air-Collision Incident a year ago, a hostile to America feeling is developing around Chinese youthful individuals who are quite westernized both in their wearing and considering. This is an indicator to the American approach creators: When managing US-China relations, they have to completely acknowledge conventional Chinese society and national sentiments since Chinese individuals who are described by their notably face-sparing society esteem shared appreciation extraordinarily (The MIT Press 2005).

To handle the Sino-US relationship suitably, both sides may as well understand the need to further understand and have regard for one another’s societies, which has frequently been neglected. The original American culture heavily relies on the elements of being liberal, puritan, republicanism and ultimately individualism (Shida 2002). These cultures greatly influence the American politics that portrays the shape of hegemonies that strongly favour religion and defined as self denied freedom, characterized by high values of human rights movements and democracy demands. The American culture of politics is thus rooted in the authoritative nature that is often referred to as the exception of America. This has made the Americans often consider themselves as superior compared to other cultures. This implies that there is no practice of dictatorship and total control over people like in the traditional societies thus people are encouraged to freely speak their minds even in politics, a culture that is unheard of in China. In China, there is great concern in unity, communism, and affection for the family and close attachment of people in the society. Thus, behavior portraying or promoting individualism in Chinese society is highly discouraged as collective responsibility is encouraged, contrary to America’s individualism (Drolet 2010).

Notwithstanding the social distinctions between the two countries, we additionally need to understand the intrinsic disparities in American society that impact American legislative issues and remote arrangements habitually. From one viewpoint, regarding Puritanism, one of the roots of the American society, since the soonest Puritans went to the New World because of the religious oppressions they endured in England, the opportunity and a good fit for people to seek after welfare have involved an unique position in Puritanism.

Regularly, Puritans harbor religious intensity for human rights. On the other, the extended being of racial segregation and isolation did not change until after the Civil Rights development throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Indeed, today, the profound established obstruction between whites and minorities is still tricky to be uprooted totally in the United States. The social inconsistencies are the wellspring of America’s twofold gauges on the human rights issue. The domineering American society with a short history of a little more than 200 years is based the premise of independence and radicalism, while the introversive Chinese society with a 5000 years’ custom lays stretch on socialism and social accord at the upkeep of unique voices. This social inconsistency is the primary purpose behind the steady Sino-US crashes. By the common complementarities in economy polarize the two countries, constraining them to trade off for their social discrepancies (Nagao et al. 2000).

To uphold close ties between China and the United States, the foundation of socially corresponding, commonly trusting and emergency taking care of frameworks is indispensible (Vaisse 2010). The contrasts between Chinese and American societies and in addition the natural disagreements of American society need to be completely acknowledged. Common opening dependent upon shared trusting is additionally essential to reciprocal relations. In the mean time, collaboration on budgetary, key and against terrorist issues can’t change the vital political and social disparities, which makes it inescapable for the steady manifestation of emergencies between the two countries. Generally, China and the United States need to face their social distinctions and make commonly trusting relations dependent upon extended understandings and sensible investigations and judgment on cases.

Just along these lines, any conceivable emergencies sometime to come might be lessened to the degree profiting both sides. The United States and China foreign policy can be described more as being in line with the idealist approach, using the neo-conservatism model. Conceivably the most significant normal for neo-conservatism is its unlimited confidence in the beliefs and qualities of American social order, in economic competition and additionally in vote based system and its establishments. This fearlessness additionally uncovers itself in financial issues: Whereas radical liberals recognize the US investment framework the fundamental abhorrent of social ill-uses, neoconservatives accept that singular flexibility requires an open market. Unmistakably, the mark, neoconservative’ is basically utilized as a part of outside arrangement today, where neo-conservatism positively can’t be positioned to the left of pale conservatism.

Indeed, wide open to the harsher elements War, neocons showed up on the scene as birds of prey contradicting socialism. For them, the Soviet Union was fascism comparable to Nazi Germany, which must be wiped out. Ronald Reagan, who called the Soviet Union the, fiendish realm’ and energetically attempted to realize its fall, turned into the symbol of the development (Drolet 2010). To neocons minds, the fall of Soviet socialism stunningly affirmed their system, which would definitely expedite the triumph of liberal Western vote based system. In addition, aid is required wherever majority rules system and opportunity rights can’t build themselves. Neoconservatives don’t recognize withdrawal from global emergencies an alternative for America. Neoconservative remote approach not just battles against the noninterventionist extension of conservatism additionally against the US outside arrangement school of thought called realism.

The parity of force, which the realists see as the premise of universal relations, is gone up against by the neocons’ thought of a kind worldwide authority (Nagao et al. 2000). They contend that global conglomerations impede the capability of the United States to assurance flexibility and wellbeing in light of the fact that they concede even rebel states the right to vote. One of the neocons’ fundamental errands is to battle weapons of mass decimation. For quite a while, states, for example Iraq have been viewed as models of this new danger, which merits responses not quite the same as those to which accepted realists are slanted (Wieclawski 2011). An alternate characteristic of neoconservative outside strategy is a claimed feeling of mission. What should be carried out now is to spread opportunity and majority rule government all through the world, as enabled in the United States. This is in line with the views of Charles Krauthammer, and George Bramble that, the guard of opportunity requires the development of flexibility and is synonymous with neoconservative foreign policy. This is portrayed by various factors, but to begin with, it is worth noting the key pillars of neo-conservatism. These are five in number including; militarism, unilateralism, internationalism, primacy and militarism.

Internationalism
The principal and generally essential precept of neo-conservatism is a firm faith in the need for the United States to assume an animated part on the world. “The general objective of American outside approach to protect and enlarge a universal request that is as per both our material diversions and our standards continues,” demonstrated Bob Kagan and Bill Kristol in 2000. “Americans must shape this request, for provided that we abstain from completing thus, we could make certain that others will shape it in ways that reflect not our hobbies or our qualities.” The peril is not that America might do excessively: it is that it might do too small. “Key overextend is not the issue and conservation is not the result,” as the mission comment of the Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI) put it in 2009.

this decisive internationalism places neocons in solid restriction to any type of nonintervention and decrease of American vicinity on the world, if upheld by the right or by the liberal left (Council on Foreign Relations 2007). This conviction additionally heads them to supporter remote intercessions more energetically than realists, who have stricter models for dedicating U.S. troops and are less inclined to acknowledge that America’s tenability, hobbies or beliefs are at stake. In this eagerness to intercede, the neocons are shut a few liberals—the ones who have been named “liberal birds of prey,” and who support philanthropic intercession to stop ethnic purifying and genocides. This union was initially watched about the Balkans in the 1990s, when neocons and liberals together swayed Bill Clinton to act conclusively in Bosnia and Kosovo, against the conclusion of generally realists, for example James Baker and Colin Powell. Also it was to a great extent to battle the lack of care of the general population and the independent temperament of the Republican Party on the Balkans that the third group of neoconservatives, appeared the neocons (The MIT Press 2005).

Primacy
The second mainstay of neo-conservatism—power could be abridged by a couple of most beloved outflows. “The key country” was initially utilized by Madeleine Albright, herself a liberal falcon. “The kind domain” was begat by Robert Kagan who contended that, contrasted and past extraordinary forces, American authority was benign. “The unipolar minute” was authored by Charles Krauthammer. Furthermore to uphold sole superpower status by “averting the re-development of another opponent” was a target put send by Paul Wolfowitz, then number three at the Pentagon, in a beginning draft form of the 1992 Defense Planning Guidance (it was drafted by I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby and Zalmay Khalilzad, with info from untouchables, for example Richard Perle and Albert Wohlstetter). When sewed together, these interpretations focus to a basic however capable thought:

American supremacy in the global framework is a stroke of favourable luck for whatever is left of the world, since America does not look to overcome and abuse, yet rather to free and democratize, and gives goods publicly to all people. Unipolarity guarantees American security additionally worldwide peace and might as well, along these lines, be saved as far as might be feasible (CQ Press 2010). This vital vision is crushed in an in number faith in American exceptionalism and the innate ethics of the nation, which can expedite a Manichean and self-important vision, as seen in George Bramble’s theory and perception after the event on 9/11. It is precisely the protest realists put forward: a system of power is self-overcoming, they say, as it is too expensive and triggers threatening responses from different forces. America can’t do everything for everybody all around, and it can’t be correct against all odds. It might as well in this way be more specific and concentrate on keeping a sound equalize of force in the world (Nagao et al. 2000).

Unilateralism
Unilateralism, the third standard of neo-conservatism, affirms that American force, not the United Nations Security Council, gives peace and security for whatever remains of the world from ensuring Taiwan, South Korea and Israel to restoring peace in the Balkans, battling al Qaeda or keeping ocean paths open (CSIS Commission on China 2009). The United States, subsequently, ought not to be limited in its ability to act, not by multilateral foundations or by settlements if the International Criminal Court, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, arrangements on organic weapons or people killing mines—that rebel states won’t regard in any case. In the neoconservative vision, the United Nations is not just inadequate; it is additionally illegitimate since it is significantly undemocratic.

The U.N. General Assembly gives to the extent that to Libya as to India, and the Security Council is significantly more imperfect: why may an oppression in (China) and a semi-tyranny (Russia) hold veto control over what the worldwide neighbourhood does? The models of aggregate movement neoconservatives incline toward are a class of majority rule governments or something to that affect (as John McCain proposed in 2008) or “coalitions of the eager,” as in the Iraq war, where different nations are welcomed to join a normal exertion on terms demarcated by Washington: the mission characterizes the coalition, not the other path around. What’s more they accept that the most ideal approach to get collaboration from different nations is to show resolve: lead and they will take after inevitably. It may not work great (Europeans didn’t wind up aiding in Iraq, for instance), as fast sharp out by realists, who are less restricted to multilateralism in guideline, and liberals, who are dedicated to multilateralism. Neoconservatives regardless offer these unilateralist inclinations with different sells, for example the “decisive patriots” or sovereigntists (Council on Foreign Relations 2007).
Militarism

To support supremacy and the capacity to act unilaterally, huge military limits are wanted. In the event that liberals can find shared view with neocons on the need of some outside intercessions, they were never completely agreeable with the utilization of American force (CSIS Commission on China 2009). Instead of a Kantian world where worldwide law, globalization and non-state performing artists might make war unimportant by and large, they see a Hobbesian world in which military energy and state on-screen characters still assume an overpowering part a conviction which, this time, takes them closer to the realists. It is the fourth neoconservative standard: the significance of holding huge military assets and the political will to utilize them. This implies that the country should consent to managed abnormal amounts of protection using; no year passes by without neoconservatives calling for a major build of the Pentagon plan and the amount of U.S. troops (Bosworth 2012). This view, obviously, puts neoconservatives conflicting with financial traditionalists, incorporating in the Republican camp, who stress over setbacks. It additionally puts them conflicting with onlookers on the left who contend that America may as well use less on firearms and increasingly on spread (Fischer 2010).

Unsurprisingly, the later human services change was censured by neocons for jeopardizing the central government’s enduring capacity to store America’s military predominance. This cherish issue with the American military machine has an alternate angle to it: the propensity to expand dangers to national security, either out of honest to goodness concern or as an approach to activate popular slant(CSIS 2013). From the Committee on the Present Danger of the 1970s to the Rumsfeld Commission on the ballistic rocket danger in 1998 and the disturbance around Iraqi weapons of mass devastation (WMD) in 2002-2003, neoconservatives have frequently succumbed to baseless alarmism (Council on Foreign Relations 2007).
Democracy

Democracy is the fifth guideline, however in no way a simple untimely idea. Since America’s inceptions and personality as a country can’t be divided from popular government, it ought not carry on like different forces, and can never remain apathetic regarding the way of administrations and the destiny of flexibility and human rights. That conviction is not restrictive to the neoconservatives; it is imparted to numerous on the left, and not just the liberal falcons (CQ Press 2010). The Clinton organization, for instance, put the development of the majority rule world at the focal point of its methodology and in 2000 created the Community of Democracies as a universal discussion to cultivate collaboration around vote based systems. At the same time the distinction of neoconservatives is to mix this conviction with the bulky attestation of American force a mixpierre Hassner suitably named Wilsonianism in boots. In their eyes, what is correct ethically is additionally substantial deliberately.

While realists contend that totalitarianisms and majority rule governments don’t act contrastingly in universal relations, and that the United States can make manages both sorts of administrations, neoconservatives see an altogether different picture: a world in which wars, expansion and terrorism infer primarily from overbearing administrations. Hence, they accept, it is utterly unreasonable, in the enduring, to oblige totalitarianisms as opposed to attempt to attain administration change—if in the USSR, Iraq, Iran or North Korea. The development of opportunity inside countries will raise the peace around nations.”14 While scholastics have prepared various quantitative studies to test the equitable peace hypothesis in later decades, the neocons dependably recognized that, as Charles Krauthammer put it, “vote based systems are characteristically all the more amicable to the United States, less hostile to their neighbors, and ordinarily more slanted to peace.” Realists, he included, “are right that to secure your hobbies you regularly need to go as far and wide as possible bashing awful fellows over the head. At the same time that method, regardless of how fulfilling, has its points of confinement (CSIS Commission on China 2009).

Sometime or another, you need to embed something, something natural and self-advancing. Neoconservatives likewise delight in an interim situational preference in the Republican Party. Obama’s remote strategy, through its eagerness to take part in discourse and arrangements with different forces, incorporating absolutisms, and its quieter voice on human rights issues, has guaranteed the territory of the realists (Fischer 2010). So if Republicans need to restrict Obama on remote arrangement to score political focuses, they characteristically have a tendency to float around neoconservative plans. Neocons, in different expressions, offer the most obvious elective to the present organization. Analysts recognize this to be Obama’s underlying supposition, America’s certain decay, and in addition his cure, acclimating to a post-American world by obliging other incredible forces at the expenditure of traditional cultures and parties (Drolet 2010).
The Dilemma in US-China Relations, Containment verses Engagement

One of the central issues in the Asia-Pacific locale in the post-Cold War world is the manner by which to distinguish the ascent of China. The arrangement creators and universal political researchers in the United States have been trading warmed contentions on whether to hold the administration of China or to captivate China in the global social order (Council on Foreign Relations 2007). For the most part talking, the supporters of regulation contend that the ascent of China is a potential risk to the indispensable diversions of the United States, and support measures dependent upon conventional equalize of force notion by reinforcing relations with the associated nations. Then again, the supporters of engagement have a tendency to look for limitation on China’s unilateralism by the fundamental standards of the universal social order, in particular vote based system, business sector turned economy and the principles of law despite the fact that they excessively concur on the propensity of extension of China.

Such questions may be translated as the multifaceted nature of what’s to come, if the universal social order that has encountered warmed ideological clashes in the harsh elements War will rehash the history and proceed the battling for incomparability around major forces or grow the fringe of the request regulated by the worldwide standards (CSIS 2013). It creates the impression that this dichotomy of regulation and engagement is taking roots as the arrange tomahawks in the contentions on approaches concerning China in the United States. It should be distinguished, nonetheless, that there exist the accompanying pitfalls in that order technique as an apparatus to acknowledge the American strategies on China (CQ Press 2010). The predominant is that despite the fact that improvement is certain in dynamic contentions, such rearrangements is just administered to the “regulation” side. There is a propensity to mark the contentions for regulation as “guarding and behind the times” maybe because of the political needs to support the current arrangement of engagement, however this naming is not suitable when seen against the history of the relations between the United States and China (Bosworth 2012).

In actuality, the regulation arrangement at the early phase of the Cold War had a dynamic nature pointed at reconstruction of the domesticated arrangement of the Soviet Union, and had much in just the same as the present engagement strategy. The second is that the contentions on regulation and engagement have a tendency to connect more imperativeness on the general standards to control the global social order in the post-Cold War world than on the particular dissections on the China’s conduct and other Asian conditions (Drolet 2010). It ought to be noted that as an after-effect of this, the contentions bear the propensity to inductively draw the pictures of anticipated China from the general standards that have been expected to apply predominantly to the European locale (CSIS 2013). The third is that it is regularly slighted in the contentions that regulation and engagement are the methods of approaches, and not the closures.

What is vital in the American arrangements on Asia is consolidating the climbing heterogeneous major power into the territorial system. It is in this manner vital to skilfully consolidate the aggressive means, for example regulation and the helpful means, for example engagement. In the contentions in the improved dichotomy, such a feeling of equalization intact is frequently slighted. In perspective of the requisition of regulation, there were two major defining moments in the relations between the United States and China in the post-war world (Bosworth 2012). The primary purpose of the entrenchment of the clashes between the United States was the closure of the World War II through the establishment of the Communist China to the Korean War, and the second was the purpose of virtual relinquishment of the regulation strategy against China after the reshuffling of organizations together by the Sino-U.S. rapprochement (1971).

The generally speaking structure of participation between the United States and China since the 1970s hosts not altered despite the fact that both gatherings encountered common doubt after the Tien A Men occurrence and misfortune of the regular foe at the finish of the Cold War (Drolet 2010). With a specific end goal to affirm this perspective, the creator might give the short portrayal on the chronicled improvement of the American regulation strategy for China. The relations between the United States and China saw a notable turnabout from participation to showdown in the few years that emulated the closure of the World War II. All through the World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt and Chiang Kai-shek of the Kuomintang of China had over and again advanced the collusions in the operations against Japan, and therefore it had been booked that China might be a part of the world police constrain after the War. After the closure of the War, then again, full-scale clashes between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in China broke out, and the People’s Republic of China was secured in 1949, which confused the American origination detailed throughout the War. This want of a significant accomplice in Asia by the “misfortune of China” prepared to McCarthyism. The germination of the purported regulation of China began at this point in time (CQ Press 2010).

Conclusion
Regardless, the U.S.-China relationship remains stubborn by long-standing common doubt. That doubt stems to some extent from the two nations’ altogether different political frameworks. Numerous in the United States are uncomfortable with China’s dictator arrangement of government and frequently severe concealment of dispute and see proceeded Communist Party control in a post-Cold War world as an erroneous date. Some in China accept that when the United States presses China to simplicity limitations on flexibility of discourse and web opportunity, enhance its medicine of religious specialists and ethnic minorities, and regard the legitimate privileges of its natives, the United States’ genuine objective is to destabilize China and push the Communist Party from force. Despite the fact that the U.s. also Chinese economies are vigorously reliant, with two-route exchange of $536 billion in 2012, the two nations’ distinctive investment demonstrates have helped question. The state assumes a major part in the Chinese economy and state-possessed companies rule the ranks of China’s most amazing organizations.

Unlike the U.S. economy, China’s economy has additionally in later decades depended intensely on fares and speculation, as opposed to utilization, for development. Purposes of conflict in the two-sided financial relationship incorporate the United States’ assertions of Chinese cyber espionage focusing on U.S. organizations and government orgs, the identified issue of China’s failure or unwillingness to avoid violations of remote savvy property by Chinese elements, Chinese arrangements that seem to oppress outside firms, and China’s coin strategy. As far as it matters for them, PRC authorities have blasted the United States for its large amounts of utilization, enduring obligation, expansionary money related strategy, and claimed restraints to Chinese venture in the United States. The key concerns are especially in line with security affairs. The U.S. government sees China’s military modernization as pointed, to a limited extent, at obliging the U.S. military’s flexibility of development in Asia and dissuading U.S. mediation in the occasion of Chinese utilization of energy against Taiwan.

An instantaneous concern is that China’s utilization of compulsion in debates with its neighbors over region in the East China Sea and the South China Sea could undermine the security upon which the thriving of the district depends. As far as it matters for them, some in China’s government have been frightened by the late 2011 advertisement of a U.S. approach of key rebalancing to Asia, seeing it as encouraging China’s adversaries in regional questions and trying to oblige the exercises of the Chinese military. The most long-standing wellspring of grievance for China on the security side of the reciprocal relationship is U.S. approach to Taiwan, which numerous in China see as planned to impede the PRC’s unification with Taiwan, a very critical goal of the PRC.

References
Bosworth, B. “Conflicts in the U.S.-China Economic Relationship: Opposite Sides of the Same Coin?” (2012). http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2012/12/20 china us economic relationship Bosworth/20 china us economic relationship bosworth.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
CQ Press, “US-China Relations.” (2010). http://www.sagepub.com/healeyregc6e/study/chapter/cq/87318_09.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
CSIS. “Nuclear Weapon and US-China Relations.” (2013). http://csis.org/files/publication/130307_Colby_USChinaNuclear_Web.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
Council on Foreign Relations. “U.S.-China Relations: An Affirmative Agenda, a Responsible Course.” (2007).
CSIS Commission on China. “Smart Power in US-China Relations.” (2009). http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090304_mcgiffert_uschinasmartpower_web.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
Drolet, J. “liberalism betrayed? American neo-conservatism and the theory of international relations.” Journal of Political Ideologies. (2010). https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=drolet-a-liberalism- betrayed.pdf&site=12 (accessed August 12, 2013).
Fischer, P. “American Neo-conservatism.” (2010). http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_8426-544- 2-30.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
Lawrence, S. “U.S.-China Relations: An Overview of Policy Issues.” Congressional Research Service. (2013). http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41108.pdf (accessed August 12, 2013).
Nagao, Y, T Yoshizaki, H Sato, and T Okagaki. “Post-Cold War International Society and U.S.-China Relationship.” (2000): 1-56. http://www.nids.go.jp/english/publication/kiyo/pdf/bulletin_e1999_2.pdf (accessed August 12, 2013).
Shida, Z. ” China and the US: A Unique Relationship.” (2002). http://www.china.org.cn/english/2002/Mar/29138.htm (Accessed August 12, 2013).
The MIT Press. “The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?” International Security. No. 2 (2005): 7-45. http://www3.nccu.edu.tw/~lorenzo/Friedberg US China Relations.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).
Vaisse, J. “Why Neo-conservatism Still Matters.” (2010). http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2010/4/05 neo-conservatism Vaisse/05_neoconservatism_vaisse.pdf (accessed August 12, 2013).
Wieclawski, J. “Contemporary Realism and the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.” International Journal of Business and Social Science. No. 11 (2011). http://www.ijbssnet.com/journals/Vol._2_No._1;_January_2011/16.pdf (Accessed August 12, 2013).

 Y Nagao, T Yoshizaki, H Sato, and T Okagaki, “Post-Cold War International Society and U.S.-China Relationship,” 1 (2000): 1-56, http://www.nids.go.jp/english/publication/kiyo/pdf/bulletin_e1999_2.pdf (accessed August 12, 2013).

U.S-China Relations 19

Reasons for US Involved/Trained/Supported the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 80’s

Defensive realism theory suggests that when state leaders feel insecure or threatened, they usually tend to accelerate their boundary security by pursuing their own diplomatic and military strategies. Starting in the year 1979, the United States of America perceived a high level of extreme insecurity with the Soviet Union. The 144 hostage in Afghanistan and USSR invasion crisis extensively covered the high level of external threats the country was under. This double coincidence event through media coverage sent a world perception that American was collapsing in its military functions. As defensive realism will state, the 1980s president Regan campaigns were solemnly organized to pursue foreign policy on power. At the onset of 1980 during his tenure, the budget of the military was tripled to about $ 1.7 trillion. This was one of the long term mechanisms to eliminate the soviets out of power (Alexander, 395).
The United States of America invasion to an already tortured on Afghanistan by civil war is considered one as one of the brutal attacks of time. The soviet war that occurred between 979-1989 brutally left hundreds dead with more than 400,000 orphans and millions refugees. Only the debris remains of the million land mines bombings and the constant refuges running for their dear lives to neighboring Pakistan can bring the reality to the situation. Regan target claim was the core perpetrator of 144 hostage’s U.S.A of U.S origins. Sources indicate that this policy is purely based on hypocrisy as they are the fundamentalists of the Iraq militia groups of age’s regime and their pursuit is just self interest (Hedley 315)

The official historical version narrates that the CIA aid to Mujahedeen started around 1980 after invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet army. The aid treaty was a secret that was kept by the Jimmy and his inner circle officials as an excellent idea of initiating USSR and its Vietnam War. During the Russian inversion to the Afghan rebels, Harold Brown literally transferred weapons and used their airlines to back up the afghan rebel troops from china. He signed a billion deals with the china’s to extend their human resource as military advisors. The deal was made only on the economic interest of America to trap the soviets and fully drain their resources and keep them off the economic balance of the super power countries (Hedley 212)
The mujahedeen comprise of inter-struggle more than seven factions, who constantly struggle for the opium trade and territory control. To dismantle USSR, the American government chose to deliberately support the lethal group such as Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. This group is considered as the most woman hater and most fanatical fundamentalist. The America inner circle target was not to only to drive the USSR out of Afghanistan interests but to ferment unnecessary unrest within the Soviet Union. This can be observed through all the regimes of American leaders since the 19890s ages to the sitting president (Peter 10).
The United States of America were consciously aware of the crisis that they would cause by the militia group of the Taliban but they literally chose to back their uprising in the mid 80s. This could be due to the perceived economic advantage of oil and pipelines that they wanted to exploit solemnly without the USSR and the other soviet members. To whatever the U.S current rhetoric arguments on the repression of the Taliban and al-Qaida militia groups, history studies indicate that the pursuit has been motivated by their own narrow political and economic interest as opposed to their claim on human rights and democracy of the nation (Steve 504).
Further, defensive realism presumes that in instances where leaders oversee a relative advantage of situation they usually provide cooperative social security policies. History narrates that Afghanistan is came into existence in 19th century as buffer state of British Empire and Russia. This sovereign empire with rugged mountainous terrain barred the imperialist from colonizing the country thus providing it with a better economic development period. After the civil war, Afghanistan received foreign aid from U.S.A to boost its social-economic status from the extreme sluggishness. Through negative political goodwill of the supportive countries such as America, Afghanistan progress has been jeopardized to date (Steve 504).

As defensive realism theory demarcates the U.S interest on Iraq and Soviet Union. Offensive realism theory plausible gives an account for Soviet Union’s foreign policy. The theory suggests that countries will continually struggle to maximize their international influence specifically if thy posses the capacity to carry out such exercises. The theory would subsequently states that in pursuit of the expansion would ultimately become quite risky especially in circumstances of decline in resources. This may necessitate country to deliberately withdraw from the policy due the country’s best interest. This is exactly what took place when the USSR and the Soviet Union pulled out from the interest when they could not enjoy any longer empire benefits (Peter 12).
Another mechanism of the offensive realism theory is the tendency of the weaker state to collide with the stronger states. This explains why U.S cooperated with China on importation of the arsenals to the Afghanistan rebels to be used against the USSR. In the year 1994, an uprising group of Taliban students known as pushtun emerged. Its stem members were Pakistani government set up founded by the Britain, U.S, and the Saudi Arabia. This group received both military and in doctrinal training. This shows the offensive mechanism that was constantly used by the U.S and its government to fully jeopardize the USSR and its counterparts in the political and economic will on Iraq (John 22).
The major culprits that were involved in the movement at relative levels comprise of both all the former presidents of United States of America specific majorly Regan and Jimmy carter. They fought their hearts to achieve the aggressive policies towards Afghanistan and the entire Soviet Union. However it is vital for psychologists to note that only offensive and defensive theories could explain the interest of these nations and their general impact on international economy (Alexander 396).
In conclusion, defensive realism theories provided a comprehensive reason for the involvement of United States of America interest on participation on Afghanistan wars of 80s. The U.S evidently felt threatened by the USSR and soviet constant emergent in power. This culminated to the pursuit of aggressive policies and wars against these nations to ensure they possess a relative economic advantage. On a different note, offensive realism theory clearly explains the reasons for the declining status of the USSR and Soviet Union. These individuals reacted by pulling back to save themselves from relatively unbearable situations, thus allowing them to maintain their international standards.

Works Cited

Alexander Wendt, ‘Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction, Power Politics International Organization 46(2), 1992, pp.391–425
Association (February 27, 2003, Portland, Oregon)’, International Studies Quarterly 48(3), 2004, p.504
Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds), The Expansion of International Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984) p. 234
Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, (1977), p.315.
John Stuart Mill, On Liberty and Other Essays (ed.), John Gray (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), p.22
Peter Wilson, ‘The Myth of the “First Great Debate”’, Review of International Studies 24(5) 1998, pp.1–15
Steve Smith, ‘Singing Our World into Existence: International Relations Theory And September11: Presidential Address to the International Studies

Surname1

International response to the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea remains to be the most diverse country in terms of indigenous ethnic communities. These indigenous ethnic communities have a number of challenges in terms of their economic and traditional wellbeing. An article compiled by Beth Walker (167-168) puts their plight into perspective by indicating that the international response has not been adequate in trying to respond to their plight. She argues that the indigenous ethnic groups in Papua New Guinea have found it difficult to maintain their traditional lifestyles while at the same time getting the required economic development. The global demand for natural resources like oil, copper, gold and natural resources found in Papua New Guinea have led to the increased exploitation at the expense of livelihood of the indigenous people.

Development plans put in place by the government have not worked to help the native ethnic groups maintain their lifestyles. Putting in mind that the country is endowed with natural mineral resources that provide highest percentage of the country’s GDP, exploitation has not helped preserve indigenous land ownership and habitat preservation. Evidence of the claims is seen on the legislations that have enabled the government poses and lease out indigenous lands to the international corporations that are involved in exploiting natural resources. The result of these activities has been degradation of the natural habitat, causing environmental problems. Educational and health problems are on the increase because no international efforts have been made to create the necessary awareness.

In conclusion, this article proves that the less international intervention has been made to ensure that the plight of the indigenous people in Papua New Guinea is attended. Beth Walker brings out the fact that environmental, health, and educational matters are global issues that require international response; however, this has not happened in this country. For this reason, it is evident that the much should be done to ensure that indigenous people are protected.

Works Cited
Walker, Beth. 2012. State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2012: Events of
2011. London: Minority Rights Group International (pp 167-168).

Surname 1

Foreign policy

According to Goldstein and pevehhouse, foreign policies are the plans, Guidelines, and strategies that are enacted by the government to determine its actions in the international arena (78). They comprise the goals and objective a country is willing to pursue with a given relation for a certain period. In U.S, the agency mandated with making the foreign policy is the National Security Council, which comprises of the president, secretary of state, NSA advisor to the president, secretary of defense, the chairperson of the Joint Chief of staff and the director of CIA.

The secretary of state is mandated with the primary role of advising the president on foreign policy issues. The public and interests groups like the media play a great role in foreign policy formulation. The media is normally used to criticize the decisions made by the NSC on foreign policy therefore in away keeps the government in check. Further, at times the president will fight out the public opinion on an issue touching on foreign policy before making a decision.

After World War 1, the US took an isolationist approach to foreign policy mainly to concentrate on domestic economy, which badly ruined after WW1. However, constant sinking of American ships by German made US to abandon it isolationist policies after realizing it is difficult to isolate from the rest of the world. US is ambivalent about unilateralism and multilateralism because it has to strike a balance between what is good for American citizens and what the world needs. Foreign policy affects every citizen in the country. For example, the foreign policy regarding terrorism in the world has made united state to become target of terrorist activities. Therefore, I would like to see foreign policies whose first priority is to protect the interests of American citizen and not to display the countries superiority.

Works cited
Goldstein, Joshua S, and Jon C. Pevehouse. International Relations. Boston: Pearson Longman, 2012. Print.

Insert surname 3

The Growth of America’s Influence in the World Prior to 1928

During the 1920s, the US enjoyed an era of continuous prosperity. Agriculture went through a fizz in towering land costs that buckled in 1921, and that segment stayed miserable. Coal mining disappeared as petroleum became the main supply of energy. Otherwise, several segments flourished. Prices were sturdy, and the Gross Domestic Product expanded increasingly until 1929, then the financial bubbles blast.

In foreign policy, the United States did not join the League of Nations, but as an alternative took the inventiveness to deactivate the world, particularly at the Washington Conference in 1921–1922. Washington lessened the European economy via the policies of Dawes and Young. The Immigration Act of 1924 was intended to stabilize the conventional cultural balance and firmly limits the full inflow.

Before the entrance into that World War II, America was isolationist, and did not want to get into European war. In the end, America was drawn into the disagreement, and offered the deciding gain to the affiliates. America had the leading financial influence at the time, which made it to have a great influence upon other nations. Nevertheless, when it comes to the armed forces, they were not respected since nobody had witnessed what they were able to do. The America had constantly distant themselves subsequent to the radical war because they did not want to get concerned in the European conflict.

The affiliation between the America and the Middle East before the 1928 was negligible. Furthermore, in contrast to European supremacies like Britain and France, who had succeeded in colonizing approximately all of the Middle East section after conquering the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the US was popular and treasured all over the Middle East (Fawcett 2005). Unquestionably, Americans were seen as superior people, clean by the selfishness and dishonesty allied with the European societies. American missionaries brought modern medicine and set up educational institutions all over the Middle East. Additionally, the United States supplied the Middle East with exceptionally experienced petroleum engineers (Rugh 2005).

Another example of cooperation between the United States and the Middle East is the Red Line Agreement. This agreement was lawfully binding and revealed an American curiosity to manage and influence the energy resources of the Middle East, and also revealed an American security necessary to avert the reemergence of a influential local rival (Le Billion and El Khatib 2004). The Red Line Agreement was part of a network of accords established in the 1920s to limit provision of petroleum and make sure that the key American companies control petroleum prices on the global market.

Apart from despair in 1920-1921, the US enjoyed a time of prosperity. Excellent times were prevalent for every sector, with the exception of farming and coal mining. New industries, particularly electric power, movie industry, automobile industry, gasoline industry, tourist travel sector, road construction, and housing thrived. Entrepreneurship thrived and extensively hailed. Business concerns had captured attention of the regulatory organizations instituted prior to 1915 and used advanced expression, which emphasize technological competence and success as the solution to societal development.

Energy was a major component to the financial system, particularly electrical energy and petroleum. As electrification got to every the city and town, customers demanded novel products, for example, light bulbs, toasters, and refrigerators. Factories set up electric motors and ensure production flow (Warren 1983). With the petroleum flourish in Texas, California, and Oklahoma, the US subjugated global production of petroleum, and influence global economy prior to and even after 1928.

Work Cited
Fawcett, Louise. “The International Relations of the Middle East.” (2005).  UK: Oxford University Press.
Le Billon, Philippe, and El Khatib, Fouad. “From Free Oil to ‘Freedom Oil’: Terrorism, War and US Geopolitics in the Persian Gulf.”  (March 2004). Geopolitics, Volume 9, Issue 1.
Rugh, William. “American Encounters with Arabs: The Soft Power of U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Middle East.” (2005). US: Praeger Publishers Inc.
Warren, Devine. “From Shafts to Wires: Historical Perspective on Electrification.” Journal of Economic History, (June 1983), Vol. 43 Issue 2

Surname 4



HR Management

How can management’s collective bargaining tactics be influenced by the company’s labor relations strategy? Provide examples.
There has been a great evolution in the labor management process since its inception. In labor bargaining it is a procedure that ensures all parties involved are able to participate in a collective bargaining and hence come up with a formal contract that will bind all the parties involved. This process faces many challenges. Thus, the need to factor a company’s labor relation tactic that is influenced by the management. The management needs to utilize these strategies and tactics by first setting reasonable goals before the commencement of the meeting. Comprehending the meaning of collective bargaining in relation to company’s labor relations strategy is essential in achieving this goal since the company has the final say in the bargaining.

Suppose a goal of management is to reduce the number of grievances filed by union employees each year. What are some ways that the HRM staff can contribute to this goal?
There are several means that the human resources can contribute to these destinations and they include provision of a well-structured training program for supervisors when it comes to dealing with the grievances. This should be handled in the contract itself. A conflict resolution skill is one method that can be used to insure there is no build up of such issues in future.

How could genetic testing be used to discriminate?
Discriminating employees according to their genetics is illegal even though it still happens in some places of work around the world. Many employees fear that such information might be used against them, thus, dissuading them from volunteering to participate in productive and sincere research. This information can be used in discrimination in many aspects of employments that include hiring, firing, pay, job assignments, promotions, layoffs, training, fringe benefits, or any other term or condition of employment.

How might an international firm trying to adapt HRM practices to the local culture produce worse results than it would produce by “exporting” HRM practices from the home office?
If the international firm tries to push its ideas of what it thinks is right to the local it will definitely be met with a great deal of resistance. Many individual tend to resist new things especially when they are from foreigners, which is a common phenomenon all over the world. It is true this can always alter the team structure, which might as well end up in changing who will answer to who. This fear might bring resistance at any point. People will always tend to appreciate what is familiar regardless of their faults. In order to succeed the company needs to implement change incrementally.

It is often said that “good pay and good management” are the keys to successful union avoidance. Spell out the kind of policies and practices companies should develop if they want to keep their workers from unionizing. Do you think the employee relations practices you have mentioned are less costly or more costly than working with unionized labor?
“Good pay and good management” are products of good policies and practices a company can employ to keep their worker from unionizing. However true, other factors can influence employees from joining unions such as efficiency and other issues not related to the union.

Positive HR practices are key to union suppression and union substitution strategies:
High involvement in management especially if the supervisor
Promotions and hiring of employees based on company policies and practices
Training supervisors on positive employee relations
Employee should withhold some of the unnecessary information just like religious affiliation, ethnic background among others.
Always keep copies of legitimate interviews and meetings records so that reasons of not hiring employees can be traced satisfactorily when needed.
The above-mentioned policies are essential in less costly than working with unions. This is because the training of supervisors can be done in-house and dealing with unionized employees cost much more than training supervisors.

What, in your opinion, is the most significant impact of a union on the management of human resources? Explain.
The most significant impact is it influence in developing the human resources as it plays a key role in structuring the human resource development. Most societies have been noted to develop their human resource policies concerning efficiencies when a union is lacking. When unions come into the field, most companies tend to start developing policies that are well structured and factor both the needs of the workers and itself; hence, producing a win-win situation. For instance, unions have forced companies to employ positive employer practices such as increasing their payment on a non-biased way. Unions generally bring back the power and influence that employees feel is needed in managing in terms of decision-making and appraisals. This can only be simplified in terms of employee rights, which is gained through collective bargaining procedures and adhering to the laid rules and regulations.

Some people believe that cross-cultural training often reinforces stereotypes by discussing aspects of a culture that may be applicable to some members of that culture but not to all. Do you agree? How can cross-cultural training be provided to avoid this problem? Explain.
Though there is some relative truth on the above statement No, I do not agree. Beliefs about our counterparts and behavior are taken for granted. It usually affects our attitudes towards them when communicating with them. For instance, when in Italy many would expect their Italian counterparts to be late for business.

Nevertheless, it is important to perceive stereotype the beginning of acknowledging the existence of other cultures in our midst. It is important to note that stereotype needs to be treated with a good deal of attention if they are to provide effective in our operating environment. Cross-cultural training has been crucial in providing the much-needed information to the management for individuals to develop inter-cultural competence and adopt skills that essentially in tackling changes that ensued in a working environment. Globalization of business has made people to start working with colleagues from different cultures of the world. High levels of cross-cultural competence are essential in dealing with people with different attitude. Cross-cultural training is capable of producing cross cultural differences tolerance among us and enhance the capacity to rise while at the same time maintain successful cross-cultural relations.

One of your colleagues argues that domestic violence is not a concern of the business. Do you agree or disagree? Explain.
No, I disagree with him. Domestic violence has thrived in the society in the recent past and cannot be ignored at all cost. Domestic violence as simple as it might appear to be, is a safety and medical issues that have an impact on the emotional, personal, economic, and professional consequences to the concerned employee.

Though it does take place in the comfort of their homes, its impact is felt greatly at their place of employment. For instance, employers who provide medical cover to their employees find it challenging in regards to medical cost, which are usually higher as compared to those who do not have cases of domestic violence. In addition, such employees experience impaired work performance emotional consequences that adversely affect employee productivity. Though studies have indicated that most employers feel that they should not be involved in preventing domestic violence it is important to acknowledge that they endures the most in terms of paid sick leave, and absenteeism as a result of domestic violence.

Some people believe that U.S. MNCs should serve as vehicles for cultural change in developing countries by introducing modern U.S. HRM practices and instilling values (such as punctuality and efficiency) in the workforce that are necessary for industrialization. Do you agree with this assertion? Explain your position.
Yes, I do agree. Given the cultural history complexity of the American people, it is crucial for somebody or an organization such as the MNC to spear head cultural change in developing countries. However, this should not be through introduction of the modern U.S. HRM practices and instilling values.

This is for the reason that what is seen, as values to the U.S. might not be value to other nations. Though values such as punctuality and efficiency are related to productivity, one cannot rule out the chance of such a move meeting resistance. It should only be done through consultation but not under the “modern U.S. HRM practices” banner.

Do you think the approach taken by OSHA to improve ergonomic safety will be effective? Why, or why not?
The outcomes will be effective. These are merely guidelines that employees are expected to implement in their industries however many Americans employees have felt the essence of the challenges and have set about addressing the issues concerning them. These guidelines will help in enforcing safety in the industry even to those who have not thought about doing so.

Agronomic industry is known for high-risk type of work and measure to curb the risks should be accepted by all employers to ensure safety of all their workers. It is important for employers to ensure that each work shift has an occupational nurse since all these issues have been researched extensively and they seem to work as per the guidelines. It will be profitable for employers to increase their production while at the same time reduce the rate of injuries in their firms. All this hinges on the amount of resources the agency will use in implementation and selling the guidelines to the manufacturers.

HR MANAGEMENT 2

Running head: HR MANAGEMENT 1

China’s Detailed Labor Force, Natural Resources, and Investment in Africa

Introduction
While China is not progressing towards overtaking the U.S. in military might, it is steadily working on stabilizing its economic relations with the rest of the world, particularly to African countries. Africa is a huge continent, with varied geographical outlines and a fairly limited population. The resource base is quite enormous, thus, capable of attracting a lot of investments. Having the same history of colonial invasion and drive to succeed economically, the relationship between China and Africa is an all-round cooperation, unlike with Western countries, which is purely based on imperialism and exploitation of African countries.

China’s quest for natural resources is pushing for its significance in Africa. Jinchuan Group is interested in expanding its investment in Africa, where it would be guaranteed adequate resources and labor force. International business assists countries that invest in foreign land to expand their markets as well as create employment for both local and mother countries. This study will focus on China’s labor force and natural resources. The study will also expound on China’s vast investment in Africa.

China’s Labor Force
It is the interest of any profit-making firm like Jinchuan Group to establish itself in a place where labor force is plenty and cheap. So far, China has been able to provide this due to its large population, both in urban and rural areas. When looking forward to the potential success of China’s reform and development, most observers point out the huge population and employment pressure as the main challenge (Wang, 2009, p. 191). For the last twenty years, China has undergone momentous change in the labor market. A close observation carried out on China’s labor market after the financial crisis that occurred in 1990s revealed that the labor market shock adversely affected the strategy to expand employment. According to 2000 census, over 60 percent of the total population in China resides in rural areas. However, the recorded job growth from 1990 depicts that the urban areas benefit more than the rural areas.

Some existing studies showed that China’s labor market used to center on labor supply, wage discrimination, wage differences between the government enterprises and the private segment, and urban migrants. Labor allocation had been under a stringent command system. Labor demand and supply did not adhere to the free-market economy. However, economic reforms have overturned these circumstances by focusing on working hours and compensations, labor market participation and unemployment issues.

A dramatic growth that has seen China overtaking the U.S. in industrial growth is as a result of a large pool of rural surplus labor, especially in the agricultural sector (Mai & Peng, 2012, p. 38). Many scholars still believe that there are large numbers of labor forces in rural areas who are not working, and to disperse this labor force into nonagricultural sectors may prove to be a hard task to any government, given that there are still a considerable number of urban residents who are unemployed.

Since 2004, the country has experienced a change in the supply, as well as demand, in labor force. A sustained rapid growth has seen the economy absorbing labor force from both rural and urban areas. Figure 1.1 below illustrates the labor force in China from 1998 to 2012.

 China’s labor progression
Figure 1.1: China’s Labor Force (1998-2012)
Natural Resources
Although China’s natural resources are abundant, per capita resources lie below the world standard due to high population. The country is severely experiencing a high consumption rate of resources while the output is exceedingly low. The pressure on resources hinders the country from attaining economic and social development. Industrialization and urbanization has created strain on natural resources resulting to environmental pollution. It has become quite difficult for a country like China to undertake a lasting solution to utilization of resources without incurring huge environmental costs and, at the same time, achieve economic development. China unquenchable craving for natural resources to stimulate its domestic growth and satisfy its domestic energy requirements has left an incomparable and increasing trail on the world’s environment (Power, et al., 2012). Figure 1.2 shows the comparison of scarcity of natural resources in China in 2003 and 2007.

Figure 1.2: Scarcity of natural resources in China in 2003 and 2007
Shortages of domestic products and rise in global oil prices spike compelled China to search for extra resources in Africa, which is believed to be rich in unexploited mineral reserves. China relies extensively on coal to supply over 70 percent of its energy. Shortage of coal may present a severe implication on energy security as the estimate of this shortage is expected to be about 1 billion metric tons per year by 2020 (Power, et al., 2012).

China’s entry into African soil in search for resources has been accepted with a lot of criticism by Western countries due to the sensitivity of African politics of resources. Many African countries have been thrown into chaos and corruption due to lack of proper sharing of mineral resources.

China’s Investment in Africa
China and Africa share the same history of struggling from the colonial invasion towards economic development. The relationship between the two countries has evolved in three phases: establishment, development and all-round development. Having 54 countries and almost a billion people, Africa boasts of rich natural resources and availability of vast labor force, large market, with a potential to expand quickly. African has remained backwards due to lack of capital and technology to enhance economic development. China has taken 30 years to reform and explore the international market, but the country is hampered by inadequate resources and stern competition in the local market. Thus, a trade relation between the two countries is a win-win situation if both countries endeavor to acknowledge each other and formulate a cooperation that could assist in dealing with resources, technology and markets.

According to Pannell (2008), China’s design and plan for its relations with African countries is built on three principle elements:
diplomacy and support for Chinese policies in international affairs;
search for resources, particularly energy; and
New markets for Chinese goods and services, in addition to create jobs for Chinese citizens (p. 706).
China has overtaken the U.S. in trade partnership since 2009. Africa has made China the fourth largest trade partner in overseas investment. During the last decade, the volume of trade between Africa and China rose from $10 billion in 2000 to above $160 billion in 2011. China’s recent push to trade with African countries is motivated by the need to get raw materials to cater for its vast resource consumption.

In the course of searching for resources to expand its export markets, China opted to contract Africa, since the continent is endowed with massive natural resources, which include gas, oil, cotton and other minerals. Investing in African countries assisted China to offset the Western influence in Africa. Figure 1.3 below demonstrates how China has expanded its interests in Africa from 1995 to 2010.

Figure 1.3: China’s trade with Africa (Viewpoint, May 2012)
The geographical location of many African countries favors China because they are situated along the coast of Indian Ocean. Countries like Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and South Africa are easily accessible through the sea route of Indian Ocean. These countries also provide routes to the landlocked countries such as Southern Sudan, Botswana, Malawi, Uganda and Central Africa Republic.

Although Chinese investment did not achieve its expectations in its initial stages in South Africa, many companies from China flocked into the southern African countries later to take the advantage of the country’s natural resources. In 2010, Jinchuan Group, in collaboration with the China-Africa Development Fund took this advantage by buying 51 percent stake ($228 million) in Wesizwe Platinum (Shinn & Eisenman, 2012, p. 349).

The companies then added $650 million as a loan to facilitate the platinum project. Jinchuan Group can expand its strategy to other African countries like Ghana, Tanzania and Uganda, as they are also rich in minerals. In countries like Angola and Sudan, China has come up with a strategy of assisting these countries in exchange of oil. It has offered loans to the governments of these countries with an aim of building or repairing damaged roads, railways, hospitals, stadiums, houses and water supply systems. In Kenya, Chinese companies have been able to win many contracts in construction of roads and bridges due to low bids that result from low labor cost.

Career Objectives
International business requires a firm that aims on investing in foreign countries to establish a good relation with the governments of foreign countries. The Chinese government had to send international relations specialists to Africa, to negotiate on how both parties could benefit from trade investments. Thus, firms should invest on international commerce specialists or international commerce managers, who can handle the processes of establishing plants in foreign countries. An international commerce specialist in Jinchuan Group is responsible for evaluating and offering insight on possibilities of establishing a plant in a given country. He/she should be well informed of the country’s rules of export and import, in addition to monitoring changes in trade laws. An international commerce manager is charged with formulation of the firm’s strategy, and ensures that the strategy is implemented to achieve the firm’s objectives.

Conclusion
China’s relation with African countries has developed enormously for the last two decades. The Western countries are suspicious of this relationship, but China has maintained that this relationship is purely for economic benefits of its trading partners. Direct investment by China to Africa had accumulated to US$15.3 billion by 2012. Approximately 2,000 Chinese enterprises have established their branches in over 50 states in Africa, covering trade, processing, transport and agriculture. Apart from some few cases, the overall contribution of Chinese investment in Africa is quite remarkable. The country aims at assisting Africa to attain economic goals while it benefits from creating markets for its products, as well as creating jobs for its citizens. Thus, Jinchuan Group should emulate the country’s international policy of creating jobs for Chinese citizens, and helping the foreign countries achieve sustainability.

References
“Viewpoint: Africa must do more to profit from China.” BBC News Africa. Retrieved on 10 June 2013 from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-18143515
Butts, K. H., & Bankus, B. (2009). China’s Pursuit of Africa’s Natural Resources. Center for Strategic Leadership.Vol.1-09. Retrieved on 10 June 2013 from http://www.csl.army.mil/usacsl/publications/CCS1_09_ChinasPursuitofAfricasNaturalResources.pdf
Mai, Y., & Peng, X. (2012). Estimating China’s Rural Labor Surplus. Chinese Economy, 45(6), 38-59.
Pannell, C. W. (2008). China’s Economic and Political Penetration in Africa. Eurasian Geography and Economics, 2008, 49, No. 6, pp. 706–730. Retrieved on 10 June 2013 from http://relooney.fatcow.com/SI_Oil-Politics/China-Energy-Oil-Africa_29.pdf
Power, M., Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2012). China’s resource diplomacy in Africa: Powering development? Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Shinn, D. H., & Eisenman, J. (2012). China and Africa: A century of engagement. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Wang, M. (2009). China in the Wake of Asia’s Financial Crisis. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

CHINA’S LABOR FORCE, NATURAL RESOURCES, AND INVESTMENT IN AFRICA 2

Running head: CHINA’S LABOR FORCE, RESOURCES AND INVESTMENT IN AFRICA 1

Counterintelligence

Important Fact or Concept Summary #1

One of the most important ideas presented was security. Security in counterintelligence tries to deny information from the person in need of it by completely blocking them from accessing it. Counterintelligence involves collecting information and analyzing it so that the nation is protected. Spies are the most used in such activities and they get involved in undertaking many actions to get what they want in terms of information and other crucial ideas. There are important concepts that should be considered in the counterintelligence process.

The persons whose trustworthy cannot be guaranteed are blocked outside a wall that hinders them from having any information, where profession and experience are a key factor in doing this individually as well as an organization. The available documents that can leak the information are also hidden in safes and any digital document encrypted. A person may want to ‘steal’ information for their own personal gain or may pose as spies and ‘steal’ the information to benefit other organizations.

The government is responsible for defining what information is worth safeguarding, to protect the nation from possible attackers. The government classifies the information by the severity of damage that can be caused once the information gets to the hands of the attackers. There is information that is regarded as the ‘top secret’ and once this information is withheld, serious consequences can be experienced by the organizations and nation involved.

The information that is regarded as ‘secret information’ is also safeguarded in a very strictly as well, because in case it lands in the wrong hands, there could be serious damages posed. Information categorized as ‘confidential’ by the government is also safeguarded because damage can also be obtained in case its security is compromised. The main aim of security in the counterintelligence is to barricade any hostile intelligence service from gaining access on important information that can jeopardize the security of a nation.

Important Fact or Concept Summary #2

Another important idea presented was the concept of denial and deception, which has been used in military intelligence to have victory during wars. These two tactics involve hiding the truth or giving information overload with the intention of misleading the opponent. Denial withholds crucial information from the adversary or gives, while deception involves giving false or misleading information that is conventional to the adversary. The two plans are mutual and are employed concurrently. Secrecy is a key element in denial. The adversary is kept in the dark and cannot be aware of the impending occurrence. This may involve electronic surveillance and control of information reaching the public through media.

On the other hand, deception involves intentionally giving a false account of the event that is about to occur, but which precedes the opponents expectations. This may include false stories presented by the media, dubious military structures meant to make the enemy to extend their own constructions of the story. Governments and militaries conceal information from the general public because of state security.

In the real practical sense, the application of this concept has not been easy due to the nature of evolving information technology. For instance, undercover operations by the military and special agents have been disclosed and exposed through media. Most democratic states have also imposed legal restrictions that hamper intelligence services on the public. However, this concept can be discovered if there are any minor anomalies. For instance, if the witness account on the occurrence of an event seems to contradict the intelligence analyst’s information, then it is a cause for alarm.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2

Running head: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1